Change And Development In Industrial Society

Question
CBSEENSO12044818

Read the given passages carefully and answer all seven questions given at the end of the Passages.

Jayprakash Bhilare, ex-millworker, General Secretary of the Maharashtra Girni Kamgar Union: Textile workers were getting only their basic wage and DA, and no other allowance. We were getting only five days Casual Leave. Other workers in other industries had started getting allowances for travelling, health benefits, etc. and 10-12 days Casual Leave. This agitated the textile workers...On 22 October, 1981, the workers of Standard Mills marched to the house of Dr. Datta Samant to ask him to lead them. At first Samant declined, saying the industry was covered by the BIRA and he did not know enough of the textile industry. These workers were in no mood to take no for an answer. They kept a night-long vigil outside his home and in the morning Samant finally relented.

Lakshmi Bhatkar, participant in the strike: I supported the strike. We would sit outside the gate every day and discuss what was to be done. We would go for the morchas that were organised from time to time...the morchas were huge - we never looted or hurt anybody. I was asked to speak sometimes but I was not able to make speeches. My legs would shake too much! Besides I was afraid of my children—what would they say? They would think here we are starving at home and she has her face printed in the newspapers.....There was a morcha to Century Mills showroom once. We were arrested and taken to Borivali. I was thinking about my children. I could not eat. I thought to myself that we are not criminals, we were millworkers. Fighting for the wages of our blood.

Kissan Salunke, ex-millworker, Spring Mills: Century Mills was opened by thre RMMb barely a month-and-half after the strike began. They could do this because they had the full backing of the state and the government. They brought outsiders into the mill and they kept them inside without letting them out at all....Bhonsle (Chief Minister of Maharashtra then) offered a 30-rupee raise. Datta Samant called a meeting to discuss this. All the leading activists were there. We said, “No, we don’t want this. If there is no dignity, if there is no discussion with the strike leaders, we wll not be able to go back to work without any harassment.”

Datta Iswalkar, President of the Mall Chawls Tenant Association: The Congress brought all the goondas out of jail to break the strike like Baby Reshin, Rama Naikt and Arun Gawli. They started to threaten the workers. We had no alternative but to beat up strikebreakers. It was a matter of life and death for us.

Bhai Bhonsle, General Secretary of the RMMS during 1982 strike. We started getting people to work in the mills after three months of tie strike....Our point was, if people want to go to work let them, in fact they should be helped....About the mafia gangs being involved, I was responsible for that...These Datta Samant people would wait at convenient locations and lie in wait for those going to work. We set up counter groups in Parel and other places. Naturally there were some clashes, some bloodshed....When Rama Naik died, Bhujbal who was Mayor then, had come in his official car to pay his respects. These forces were used at one time or other by many people in politics.

Kisan Salunke, ex-millworker: Those were very difficult times. We had to sell all our vessels. We were ashamed to go to the market with our vessels so we would wrap them in gunny bags and take them to the shop to sell...There were days when I had nothing to eat, only water. We bought sawdust and burnt it for fuel. I have three sons. Sometimes when the children had no milk to drink, I could not bear to see them hungry. I would take my umbrella and go out of the house.

Sindu Marhane, ex-millworker: The RMMS and goondas came for me too, to force me back to work, But I refused to go....There  were rumours going round as to what happened to women who went to stay and work in the mills. There were incidents of rape.

A.

Describe the 1982 textile strike from the different perspectives of those involved.

B.

Why did the workers go on strike?

C.

How did Datta Samant take up the leadership of the strike?

D.

What was the role played by strikebreakers?

E.

How did the mafia get a foothold in these areas?

F.

How were women affected and what were heir concerns during the strike?

G.

How did workers and their families survive the period of strike?

Solution

A.

(a) The Bombay Textile strike of 1982 was led by the trade union leader Dr. Datta Samant. This great strike affected nearly a quarter of a million workers and their family members.

(b) The strike lasted nearly two years.

(c) The main demand of the striking workers was better wages. They also wanted the right to form their own union.

(d) There was no unity among all workers. Some union leaders helped the employers and worked against the interest of striking labourers.

(e) The government refused to listen to the workers demands.

(f) Nearly one lakh workers lost their jobs. They went back to their native villages or some of them took up casual labour. Some of them moved to small towns like Bhiwandi, Malegaon and Icehalkaranji, to work in the powerloom sector.

B.

The workers went on strike because they wanted better wages. They also wanted the right to form their own union. According to Bombay Industrial Relations Act (BIRA), Union had to be ‘approved’ and the one way it could be ‘approved’ was if it give up the idea of strike.

C.

On 22 October, 1981, the workers of Standard Mills marched to the house of Dr. Datta Samant to ask him to lead them. At first Samant declined, saying the industry was covered by the BIRA and he did not know enough of the textile industry. These workers were in no mood to take no for an answer. They kept a night-long vigil outside his home and in the morning Samant finally relented. Datta Samant took of the leader of the strike because he was popular leader of the Bombay textile Mill in 1982. He wanted to support the demands of the workers. He wanted that workers should be paid better they should given legal right to form their own union.

D.

The congress led Rashtriya Mill Mazdoor Sangh (RMMS) was the only approved Union and it helped to break the strike by bringing in other workers. The government was of the congress party. The government decided to refuse to listen to the workers demand. Strike was very long. Slowly after two years, workers started going back to work because they were deseperate nearly one lakh workers lost their jobs, mill owners did not invest in machinery and modernisation as they were being supported by a strike-breakers.

E.

Land Mafia got a food hold in mill areas. They contacted mill owners. Mill owners because ready to sell of the mill land to real estate dealer to build luxury apartments. Leading to a battle over who will define the future of Bombay- the workers who built it or the mill owners and real estate agents.

F.

Women were badly affected some of them went to stay and work in the mills. There were incident of rape, some of them faced hunger and they could not provide food and milk to their children without money.

G.

Some of the workers took loan or they went to their villages or some of them accepted casual labour. Some of them moved to smaller town to work in the powerloom sector. They had to face hunger, their family members and children could out get drink or milk. During the period of strike due to poverty.

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Some More Questions From Change and Development in Industrial Society Chapter

Compare some of the points related with speciality of Indian Industrialisation with western pattern.

Discuss the main points of industrialisation in the early years of Indian Independence.

Choose any occupation you see around you - and describe it along the following lines (a) social composition of the work force – caste, gender, age, region (b) labour process – how the work takes place, (c) wages and other benefits, (d) working conditions – safety, rest times, working hours, etc.

In the account of brickmaking, bidi rolling, software engineers or mines that are described in the boxes, describe the social composition of the workers. What are the working conditions and facilities available? How do girls like Madhu feel about their work?

How has liberalisation attacked employment patterns in India?

According to the convergence thesis put forward by modernisation theorist Clark Kerr, an industrialised India of the 21st century shares move freatures with China or the United States in the 21st century than it shares with 19th century India. Do you think this is true? Do culture, language and tradition disappear with new technology or does culture influence the way people adapt to new products? Write a page of your own reflections on these issue, giving examples.

Read the given passages carefully and answer all seven questions given at the end of the Passages.

Jayprakash Bhilare, ex-millworker, General Secretary of the Maharashtra Girni Kamgar Union: Textile workers were getting only their basic wage and DA, and no other allowance. We were getting only five days Casual Leave. Other workers in other industries had started getting allowances for travelling, health benefits, etc. and 10-12 days Casual Leave. This agitated the textile workers...On 22 October, 1981, the workers of Standard Mills marched to the house of Dr. Datta Samant to ask him to lead them. At first Samant declined, saying the industry was covered by the BIRA and he did not know enough of the textile industry. These workers were in no mood to take no for an answer. They kept a night-long vigil outside his home and in the morning Samant finally relented.

Lakshmi Bhatkar, participant in the strike: I supported the strike. We would sit outside the gate every day and discuss what was to be done. We would go for the morchas that were organised from time to time...the morchas were huge - we never looted or hurt anybody. I was asked to speak sometimes but I was not able to make speeches. My legs would shake too much! Besides I was afraid of my children—what would they say? They would think here we are starving at home and she has her face printed in the newspapers.....There was a morcha to Century Mills showroom once. We were arrested and taken to Borivali. I was thinking about my children. I could not eat. I thought to myself that we are not criminals, we were millworkers. Fighting for the wages of our blood.

Kissan Salunke, ex-millworker, Spring Mills: Century Mills was opened by thre RMMb barely a month-and-half after the strike began. They could do this because they had the full backing of the state and the government. They brought outsiders into the mill and they kept them inside without letting them out at all....Bhonsle (Chief Minister of Maharashtra then) offered a 30-rupee raise. Datta Samant called a meeting to discuss this. All the leading activists were there. We said, “No, we don’t want this. If there is no dignity, if there is no discussion with the strike leaders, we wll not be able to go back to work without any harassment.”

Datta Iswalkar, President of the Mall Chawls Tenant Association: The Congress brought all the goondas out of jail to break the strike like Baby Reshin, Rama Naikt and Arun Gawli. They started to threaten the workers. We had no alternative but to beat up strikebreakers. It was a matter of life and death for us.

Bhai Bhonsle, General Secretary of the RMMS during 1982 strike. We started getting people to work in the mills after three months of tie strike....Our point was, if people want to go to work let them, in fact they should be helped....About the mafia gangs being involved, I was responsible for that...These Datta Samant people would wait at convenient locations and lie in wait for those going to work. We set up counter groups in Parel and other places. Naturally there were some clashes, some bloodshed....When Rama Naik died, Bhujbal who was Mayor then, had come in his official car to pay his respects. These forces were used at one time or other by many people in politics.

Kisan Salunke, ex-millworker: Those were very difficult times. We had to sell all our vessels. We were ashamed to go to the market with our vessels so we would wrap them in gunny bags and take them to the shop to sell...There were days when I had nothing to eat, only water. We bought sawdust and burnt it for fuel. I have three sons. Sometimes when the children had no milk to drink, I could not bear to see them hungry. I would take my umbrella and go out of the house.

Sindu Marhane, ex-millworker: The RMMS and goondas came for me too, to force me back to work, But I refused to go....There  were rumours going round as to what happened to women who went to stay and work in the mills. There were incidents of rape.

Gandhi on Machinery, in Hind Swaraj 1924:

“What I object to is the craze for machinery, not machinery as such. The craze is for what they call labour-saving machinery. Men go on ‘saving labour’ till thousands are without work and thrown on the open streets to die of starvation. I want to save time and labour, not for a fraction of mankind, but for all. I want the concentration of wealth, not in the hands of the few, but in the hands of all.”

1934: “When as a nation we adopt the spinning wheel, we not only solve the question of unemployment but we declare that we have no intention of exploiting any nation, and we also end the exploitation of the poor by the rich.

Give an example how machinery creates a problem for workers. What alternative did Gandhi have in mind? How does adopting the spinning wheel prevent exploitation?

In an industrial set-up, how can a manager make the worker produce more?

Why coastal cities were favoured by the colonial rules?